Judge Samuel Alito Considered by Congress for the Supreme Court vacancy created by Sandra Day O'Connor.

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Sandra Day O'Connor    Associate Justice United States Supreme Court

Born: March 26, 1930

The 102nd Supreme Court Justice  and First Female Member

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Alito, Samuel A. Jr.
Born 1950 in Trenton, NJ

Federal Judicial Service:
U. S. Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit
Nominated by George H.W. Bush on February 20, 1990, to a seat vacated by John Joseph Gibbons; Confirmed by the Senate on April 27, 1990, and received commission on April 30, 1990.

Education:
Princeton University, A.B., 1972

Yale Law School, J.D., 1975

Professional Career:
Law clerk, Hon. Leonard I. Garth, U.S. Court of Appeals, Third Circuit, 1976-1977
Assistant U.S. attorney, District of New Jersey, 1977-1981
Assistant to the U.S. solicitor general, U.S. Department of Justice, Washington, DC, 1981-1985
Deputy assistant U.S. attorney general, U.S. Department of Justice, Washington, DC, 1985-1987
U.S. Attorney for the District of New Jersey, 1987-1990

Race or Ethnicity: White

Gender: Male

Alito, Samuel A. Jr.
 
See Samuel Alito Supreme Court nomination for details on his nomination.
Samuel A. Alito, Jr.

Samuel A. Alito, Jr.

Samuel Anthony Alito Jr. (born April 1, 1950) is a judge on the United States Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit. On October 31, 2005, President George W. Bush nominated him to the position of Associate Justice of the United States Supreme Court, to replace retiring Justice Sandra Day O'Connor.

Contents

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Personal life

Standing in front of a portrait of former President Bill Clinton, Martha Alito (right), daughter Laura (left) and son Philip (center) look on as President Bush announces Samuel Alito's nomination on October 31, 2005

Standing in front of a portrait of former President Bill Clinton, Martha Alito (right), daughter Laura (left) and son Philip (center) look on as President Bush announces Samuel Alito's nomination on October 31, 2005

Alito in the 1972 Princeton yearbook: "Sam intends to go to law school and eventually to warm a seat on the Supreme Court."

Alito in the 1972 Princeton yearbook: "Sam intends to go to law school and eventually to warm a seat on the Supreme Court."

Alito was born in Trenton, New Jersey to Samuel A. Alito Sr., and his wife, the former Rose Fradusco. He attended Steinert High School in Hamilton, New Jersey. He graduated from Princeton University with an A.B. in 1972, and attended Yale Law School, where he served as editor on the Yale Law Journal and earned a J.D. in 1975. Alito's father, who is now deceased, was a high school teacher and then became the first Director of the New Jersey Office of Legislative Services, a position he held from 1952 to 1984. Alito's mother is a retired schoolteacher. Alito's sister, Rosemary, is regarded as one of New Jersey's top employment lawyers.

At Princeton, Alito led a student conference in 1971 called "The Boundaries of Privacy in American Society" which, among other things, supported curbs on domestic intelligence gathering; called for the legalization of sodomy; and urged for an end to discrimination against homosexuals in hiring by employers. [1]. During said conference, Alito stated that "no private sexual act between consenting adults should be forbidden." Alito also was part of the conservative Concerned Alumni of Princeton which formed in 1972.[2] The executive committee of CAP published a statement in December 1973 that opposed "adoption of a sex-blind admission policy". By 1985, thirteen years after his Princeton graduation, Alito touted his membership in the conservative group while readying his job application for the Reagan Administration. [3] However, Alito has recently distanced himself from the Concerned Alumni group, saying that he doesn't remember being a part or anything about it. This may be because the group has been decried as far-right and extremist, especially in a report that was contributed to by recent Princeton alumnus Bill Frist. Many Alito opponents say that Alito's affiliation with Concerned Alumni points to his extreme conservative ideaology.

While a sophomore at Princeton, Alito received the (low) lottery number of 32, in a Selective Service drawing on December 1, 1969. In 1970, he became a member of the school's Army ROTC program, attending a six-week basic summer camp that year at Fort Knox, Kentucky, in lieu of having been in ROTC during his first two years in college. Graduating in 1972, Alito left his lofty aspirations in his yearbook, hoping he said to "eventually warm a seat on the Supreme Court."[4]

He was commissioned as a Second Lieutenant in the Signal Corps after his graduation and assigned to the Army Reserve, one of nine in his class to receive a commission in the Army Reserve. Following his graduation from Yale Law School in 1975, he served on active duty from September to December, 1975, while attending the Officer Basic Course for Signal Corps officers at Fort Gordon, Georgia. The remainder of his time in the Army was served in the inactive Reserves. He had the rank of Captain when he received an Honorable Discharge in 1980.[5][6]

Since 1985, Alito has been married to the former Martha-Ann Bomgardner, once a law librarian with family roots in Oklahoma. They live in West Caldwell, New Jersey and have two children: Philip and Laura.

Judge Alito's friends describe him as "a studious, diligent, scholarly judge with a first-rate mind and a deadpan sense of humor, a neutral arbiter who does not let personal beliefs affect his legal judgments." [7]

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Career

Alito upon his induction as a U.S. Third Circuit Court of Appeals judge, 1990

Alito upon his induction as a U.S. Third Circuit Court of Appeals judge, 1990

Alito argued twelve cases before the Supreme Court for the federal government during his tenure as assistant to the Solicitor General. While serving as an attorney for New Jersey, he prosecuted many cases that involved drug trafficking and organized crime. [8]

In his 1985 application for Deputy Assistant to the Attorney General, Alito espoused conservative views, naming William F. Buckley, Jr., the National Review, Alexander Bickel, and Barry Goldwater's 1964 campaign as major influences. He also expressed concern about Warren Court decisions in the areas of criminal procedure, the Establishment Clause, and reapportionment. He stated he was proud to prepare cases arguing that "racial and ethnic quotas should not be allowed and that the Constitution does not protect a right to an abortion." [9]

Alito was nominated by George H. W. Bush on February 20, 1990 to the United States Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit. Alito was rated by the American Bar Association as “Well Qualified” at the time of his nomination. He was confirmed by unanimous consent in the Senate on April 27, 1990[10]. As a Third Circuit judge, his chambers are in Newark, New Jersey.

As adjunct professor at Seton Hall University School of Law, Alito has taught courses in Constitutional Law and an original course on terrorism and civil liberties. In 1995, Judge Alito was presented with that law school’s Saint Thomas More Medal, "in recognition of his outstanding contributions to the field of law." [11]

He is known for his judicially conservative rulings. In one of his most well-known opinions, he dissented in a 2–1 decision in Planned Parenthood v. Casey in 1991. In that case, he voted to uphold a Pennsylvania law that required women to inform their husbands before having an abortion, noting that the law allowed certain exceptions, such as an abusive spouse. The Supreme Court struck down the law in 1992. In another case involving a warrant, Judge Alito took the dissenting viewpoint which allowed the unauthorized strip search of a mother and her 10 year old daughter in their home although the warrant did not name them. Lawrence Lustberg, a criminal defense attorney and friend of Alito, says that he is "very prosecutorial from the bench. He has looked to be creative in his conservatism, which is, I think, as much a Rehnquist as a Scalia trait." [12] Affectionate law clerks created a blend of coffee, a mixture of Colombian, Java and New Guinea with a bit of espresso, in his honor. At the T.M. Ward Coffee Co. coffeehouse in downtown Newark, "Judge Alito's Bold Justice Blend" sells well.[13]

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Nomination to U.S. Supreme Court

Samuel Alito acknowledges his nomination, with President George W. Bush looking on.
Samuel Alito acknowledges his nomination, with President George W. Bush looking on.
Main articles: Samuel Alito Supreme Court nomination, and [[{{{2}}}]], and [[{{{3}}}]], and [[{{{4}}}]], and [[{{{5}}}]]

Bush nominated Alito to the position of Associate Justice of the Supreme Court on October 31, 2005. Alito is the third nominee to Justice Sandra Day O'Connor's seat, which she will not vacate until a replacement is confirmed. Following O'Connor's announcement, on July 1, 2005, that she would retire, it was widely reported that Alito had been narrowly passed over as her replacement; President Bush instead nominated John Roberts, who was then re-nominated to fill William Rehnquist's post following the Chief Justice's death on September 3, 2005. On October 3, White House counsel and Bush confidante Harriet Miers was nominated to fill O'Connor's spot. Miers withdrew her acceptance of the nomination on October 27 after encountering wide-spread opposition.

Alito was initially interviewed for the job June 24, 2001, by then-White House Counsel Alberto Gonzales. He was again interviewed May 5, 2005 by Vice President Dick Cheney, Attorney General Gonzales, White House Chief of Staff Andy Card, Karl Rove, White House Counsel Harriet Miers and the Vice President's chief of staff, I. Lewis Libby. President Bush interviewed him in person on July 14, 2005. [14]

In announcing his nomination, Bush stated, "He's scholarly, fair-minded and principled and these qualities will serve him well on the highest court in the land. [His record] reveals a thoughtful judge who considers the legal merits carefully and applies the law in a principled fashion. He has a deep understanding of the proper role of judges in our society. He understands judges are to interpret the laws, not to impose their preferences or priorities on the people." [15] Alito, in accepting the nomination, said, "Federal judges have the duty to interpret the Constitution and the laws faithfully and fairly, to protect the constitutional rights of all Americans, and to do these things with care and with restraint, always keeping in mind the limited role that the courts play in our constitutional system. And I pledge that if confirmed I will do everything within my power to fulfill that responsibility." [16]

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Case history

LexisNexis reports that Alito has written more than 700 opinions.

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Abortion

  • Samuel Alito supported limited abortion rights in 3 out of 4 rulings as described below. [17]
  • A dissenting opinion in Planned Parenthood v. Casey, 947 F.2d 682 (3d Cir. 1991), arguing that a Pennsylvania law that required women seeking abortions to inform their husbands should have been upheld. Judge Alito wrote:
"[t]he Pennsylvania legislature could have rationally believed that some married women are initially inclined to obtain an abortion without their husbands' knowledge because of perceived problems — such as economic constraints, future plans, or the husbands' previously expressed opposition — that may be obviated by discussion prior to the abortion." He added some exceptions: "These exceptions apply if a woman certifies that she has not notified her husband because she believes [FN4] that (1) he is not the father of the child, (2) he cannot be found after diligent effort, (3) the pregnancy is the result of a spousal sexual assault that has been reported to the authorities, or (4) she has reason to believe that notification is likely to result in the infliction of bodily injury upon her."
The Supreme Court ruled against Alito's position in a plurality decision, in which five justices ruled that a spousal notification requirement violated the woman's rights. Rehnquist's dissent quoted Judge Alito and expressed support for his reasoning.
  • A majority opinion in Planned Parenthood of Central New Jersey v. Farmer, 220 F.3d 127 (3rd Cir. 2000), [18] in which Judge Alito recognized that a New Jersey law banning intact dilation and extraction (commonly called "partial-birth abortion") was unconstititional in light of the then recent Supreme Court case of Stenberg v. Carhart, 530 U.S. 914, 120 S.Ct. 2597, 147 L.Ed.2d 743 (2000), which struck down a nearly identical law in Nebraska.
  • In 1995, voted to strike down an abortion restriction in a Pennsylvania law that required women seeking to use Medicaid funds to abort a pregnancy resulting from rape or incest to report the incident to law enforcement officials and identify the offender.
  • Ruled the Constitution does not afford protection to the unborn in a 1997 challenge to a New Jersey law that prevents parents from suing for damages on behalf of the wrongful death of a fetus.
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Federalism

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First Amendment

  • A majority opinion in Saxe v. State College Area School District, 240 F.3d 200 (3d Cir. 2001) [19], holding that the public school district's anti-harassment policy, which prohibited harassment based on sexual orientation among other criteria, was unconstitutionally overbroad and therefore violated First Amendment guarantees of free speech. Alito wrote: No court or legislature has ever suggested that unwelcome speech directed at another's 'values' may be prohibited under the rubric of anti-discrimination.
  • A dissenting opinion in Banks v. Beard, 399 F.3d 134 (3d Cir. 2005), arguing that the prison policy prohibiting inmates of a segregated unit from accessing news media or family photographs was not a violation of the First Amendment. Alito reasoned:[20]
[T]here is a "rational" relationship between that restriction and the legitimate penological objective of deterring misconduct. It is "rational" for corrections officials to think that inmates who are not in Level 2 will be deterred from engaging in serious misconduct because they do not want to be transferred to that unit and thus to be subjected to the restrictions that accompany that assignment. It is also "rational" for corrections officials to think that inmates who are in Level 2 will be deterred from engaging in serious misconduct while in that unit because they wish to be transferred out and thus to escape such restrictions.
  • A majority opinion in Child Evangelism Fellowship of N.J., Inc. v. Stafford Twp. Sch. Dist., 386 F.3d 514 (3d Cir. 2004) involving the Establishment Clause. The court found that a school district could not preclude an evangelical group from distributing its newsletters where the school district permitted other private groups to do the same.
  • A majority opinion in Blackhawk v. Pennsylvania, 381 F.3d 202 (3d Cir. 2004), involving the Free Exercise Clause. The case involved a Native American's ritual that used black bears. The state denied the plaintiff an exemption to a $200/year exotic wildlife dealer permit to keep the bears under the state's Game and Wildlife Code. The court found that the code invoked strict scrutiny. The majority found the code was "substantially" under-inclusive and did not satisfy strict scrutiny.
  • A majority opinion [21] in ACLU v. Schundler, 168 F.3d 92 (3d Cir. 1999), addressing the circumstances under which a government-sponsored holiday display may or may not contain religious symbols. The case held that a holiday display consisting solely of religious symbols was impermissible, but a mixed display including both secular and religious symbols was permissible if balanced in a generally secular context. The decision relied on a previous Supreme Court decision that had permitted such mixed displays. The ACLU had argued that a previous city display that was ruled unconstitutional because it lacked secular symbols colored the purpose of the new display.
  • A dissenting opinion in C.H. v. Oliva et al. (3rd Cir., 2000)[22] arguing that the removal and subsequent replacement in "a less conspicuous spot" of a kindergartener's religious themed poster was, at least potentially, a violation of his right to Free Expression
  • A unanimous opinion in Police v. City of Newark, 1999; [23] allowing Muslim police officers in Newark to keep their beards because "the Department makes exemptions from its policy for secular reasons and has not offered any substantial justification for refusing to provide similar treatment for officers who are required to wear beards for religious reasons."
  • A unanimous opinion in The Pitt News v. Pappert, 2004, [24] upholding the right of student newspapers to carry alcohol advertisements on First Amendment grounds. "If government were free to suppress disfavored speech by preventing potential speakers from being paid, there would not be much left of the First Amendment. "

Harassment and discrimination

  • A majority opinion in Williams v. Price, 343 F.3d 223 (3d Cir. 2003), [25] granting a writ of habeas corpus to a black state prisoner after state courts had refused to consider the testimony of a witness who stated that a juror had uttered derogatory remarks about blacks during an encounter in the courthouse after the conclusion of the trial.
  • A dissenting opinion in Sheridan v. Dupont, 74 F.3d 1439 (3d Cir. 1996)(en banc). [26]. Alito would have required a plaintiff to meet a higher standard of evidence to survive a motion for summary judgment in a sex discrimination case, agreeing with a ruling by the 5th Circuit. Alito earlier wrote the majority opinion when the case was heard before a three-judge panel, [27] expressing a preference for the 5th Circuit's reasoning, but ruling according to 3rd Circuit precedent.
  • A dissenting opinion in Bray v. Marriott Hotels, 110 F.3d 986 (3d Cir. 1997), [28] arguing that, when a Marriott housekeeping manager sued Marriott over being allegedly denied promotion on the basis of race, summary judgment in favor of the defendant was appropriate because the plaintiff had not presented enough evidence to allow a reasonable jury to conclude that every one of the reasons Mariott offered for having promoted someone else was a mere pretext. The majority responded that finding in favor of Marriott would have protected racist employers by “immuniz[ing] an employer from the reach of Title VII if the employer’s belief that it had selected the ‘best’ candidate was the result of conscious racial bias.”
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Other case decisions

  • A majority opinion in Fatin v. INS, 12 F.3d 1233 (3d Cir. 1993), rejecting an Iranian woman's petition for review of a deportation ruling and denying her asylum in the U.S. in spite of her gender and feminist ideas and the human rights issues in her home country. The opinion did establish, however, that women in slightly different situations might be able to establish an asylum claim if they would absolutely refuse to wear Islamic dress and would face death as a result.
  • A majority opinion in Shore Regional High School Board of Education v. P.S., 381 F.3d 194 (3d Cir. 2004) [29], reinstating an administrative law judge's ruling in favor of parents who claimed the school system's failure to protect their child from bullying justified their placing him in a different high school.
  • A dissenting opinion in Homar v. Gilbert, 89 F.3d 1009 (3d Cir. 1996), arguing that a state university need not hold a hearing before suspending a campus policeman without pay after he had been arrested on drug charges. The Supreme Court later agreed with Alito.
  • A majority opinion in Southco, Inc. v. Kanebridge Corp., 390 F.3d 276 (3d Cir. 2004), [30] a copyright case discussing the issue of originality. Alito held that "the creative spark... utterly lacking in [a part's numbering system, and thus] these numbers are examples of works that fall short of the minimal level of creativity required for copyright protection."
  • A majority opinion in United States v. Lee, 359 F.3d 194 (3rd Cir. 2004). Alito rejected a defendant's argument that his Fourth Amendment rights were violated by the introduction into evidence of a videotape recording of a meeting with an informant who consented to the videotaping.
  • In a dissent to Doe v. Groody, Alito argued that qualified immunity should have protected police officers from a finding of having violated constitutional rights when they strip-searched a mother and her ten-year-old daughter while carrying out a search warrant that authorized the search of a residence. The mother and daughter were not referred to in the warrant, although the affidavit with the warrant requested permission to "search all occupants of the residence and their belongings". The court's opinion found that the warrant did not grant such permission, arguing that references to the affidavit in the Warrant were specific and the omission of the language in question from the warrant was not found to be the result of an error, clerical or otherwise.[31]
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Conflict of interest question

On a questionnaire for the Senate Judiciary Committee in his court-of-appeals confirmation process in 1990, Alito said he would avoid a conflict of interest by not voting on cases involving First Federal Savings & Loan of Rochester, NY, and two investment firms, Smith Barney and Vanguard Group, because he held accounts with them. However, in 2002, Alito upheld a lower court's dismissal of a lawsuit filed against multiple investment company defendants, including Vanguard Group. When notified of the situation, Alito denied doing anything improper but recused himself from further involvement in the case.

On November 10, Judge Alito wrote Senator Specter, the chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee, explaining his participation in the case [32]. He said that when he had originally listed Vanguard and Smith Barney in 1990, "my intention was to state that I would never knowingly hear a case where a conflict of interest existed. [...] As my service continued, I realized that I had been unduly restrictive."

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Related Documents

  • Response to a Senate Judiciary Committee questionnaire [33](Nov. 30 2005) (PDF), (Appendix1 Appendix2 Appendix3 Appendix4)
  • ‘Personal Qualifications Statement’ when applying to be an Assistant Attorney General under Pres. Ronald Reagan. [34] (Nov. 15, 1985)
  • Legal Memo written as Deputy Asst. Attorney General to the OMB’s General Counsel regarding OMB authority of FDIC funds. [35] (1986) (PDF)
  • House Committee on the Judiciary testimony regarding unpublished court opinions opinions. [36](1990) (PDF)
  • 2004 Financial Disclosure [37]
  • 2003 Financial Disclosure [38]
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Additional Information

Those who compare his ideology to that of conservative Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia have nicknamed him "Scalito" (a portmanteau of "Scalia" and "Alito" that appears to have originated in a 1992 National Law Journal article). Philadelphia journalist Shannon P. Duffy claims to have coined the nickname. [39] The National Italian American Foundation, a bipartisan organization that has supported Nancy Pelosi [40], has stated the use of the "Scalito" nickname "marginalizes [Alito's] outstanding record."[41]

If confirmed by the Senate, Alito would be the eleventh Catholic to serve on the Supreme Court (the others being Roger Taney, Edward Douglass White, Joseph McKenna, Pierce Butler, Frank Murphy, William J. Brennan, Antonin Scalia, Anthony Kennedy, Clarence Thomas, and John Roberts) and the fifth on the current Court (along with Chief Justice Roberts and Associate Justices Scalia, Kennedy, and Thomas), creating the first majority-Catholic Supreme Court in history, and together with the two Jewish justices (Ruth Bader Ginsburg and Stephen Breyer), a court with the most religious minorities (7 of 9 justices). See also: demographics of the Supreme Court of the United States.

He is a member in good standing of the Federalist Society, a group of conservatives and libertarians dedicated to reforming the current legal order.[42]

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Notes

  1. ^  "Alito joined conservative alumni group", Daily Princetonian, November 18, 2005
  2. ^  "Alito needs to shed his CAP", Daily Princetonian, November 22, 2005
  3. ^  "Alito has a record of steady conservatism, reputation for civility", Chicago Tribune, October 31, 2005
  4. ^  "The appeals court judge is a contender", Philadelphia Inquirer, July 3, 2005
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References

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External links

Wikimedia Commons has media related to:
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Sandra Day O'Connor was born on March 26, 1930 in El Paso, Texas. She grew up on her family's 198,000 acre cattle ranch. In 1952, she graduated from Stanford Law School and married fellow law student John O'Connor. The O'Connors settled in Phoenix, Arizona.

O'Connor served as an Arizona assistant attorney general from 1965 to 1969, when she was appointed to a vacancy in the Arizona Senate. In 1974, she ran successfully for trial judge, a position she held until she was appointed to the Arizona Court of Appeals in 1979. Eighteen months later, on July 7, 1981 President Ronald Reagan nominated her to the Supreme Court. In September 1981, Sandra Day O'Connor became the Court's 102nd justice and its first female member.

Her votes are generally conservative, but she frequently surprises observers with her political independence. A quietly determined woman who has blazed new trails for her sex, Sandra Day O'Connor has become a role model for Americans of both sexes and all ages.

During the final action of the Supreme Court to resolve the 2000 Presidential election, Justice O'Connor sided with the majority in blocking the hand recount of votes in the state of Florida.

In their conclusion the majority stated that, "None are more conscious of the vital limits on judicial authority than are the members of this court, and none stand more in admiration of the Constitution's design to leave the selection of the President to the people, through their legislatures, and to the political sphere. When contending parties invoke the process of the courts, however, it becomes our unsought responsibility to resolve the federal and constitutional issues the judicial system has been forced to confront."
Politics & Society

Samuel Alito: Another Nominee, Another Fight

by  

Senate Judiciary Committee Chairman Arlen Specter (R-PA) welcomed Samuel Alito, right, to his Capitol Hill office. Reuters

Senators Weigh In

 

An anti-abortion demonstrator at the Supreme Court.

An anti-abortion demonstrator at the Supreme Court after President Bush nominated Samuel Alito as associate justice. Reuters

NPR.org, October 31, 2005 · The nomination of Samuel Alito, a proven conservative with a track record of opposing abortion, to the Supreme Court helps President Bush regain some of the political capital he lost amid the failed Supreme Court nomination of Harriet Miers. But the President will almost surely have to spend some of it pushing Alito's nomination through the Senate.

That's because the nomination is anything but a slam dunk with social moderates -- especially moderate Republicans -- many of whom oppose limits on abortion. And it's sure to rile up Democrats worried that the nominee's swing vote could undo decades of legal precedent on everything from abortion to affirmative action.

The battle has already begun for the minds of those in the political middle. It hinges on which side can successfully characterize the 15 years Alito has spent as an appellate court judge in the 3rd District. Liberals will portray him as a constitutional ideologue akin to Justice Antonin Scalia (the origin of his nickname, "Scalito") and unwilling to accept court precedents on controversial issues like abortion. Conservatives will describe him as a thoughtful judicial scholar "who considers the legal merits carefully and applies the law in a principled fashion," as President Bush said when he announced Alito's nomination on Monday.

Liberal groups are promising to wage a massive campaign to defeat the nomination. "This is going to be the most important, most controversial Supreme Court confirmation battle since Robert Bork and Clarence Thomas," said Ralph Neas, chief executive of People for the American Way.

But some conservatives are playing down the likelihood of a showdown. "I don't think we'll see an enormous political battle," said David Frum, a fellow at the American Enterprise Institute, who believes Alito's impressive credentials and judicial track record will win ample support among moderates in the end. Frum compared the Alito nomination to President Clinton's choice of Justice Stephen Breyer. Despite Breyer's opposing views, many conservatives see him as possessing a keen judicial mind that make him an "ornament" to the American legal system.

For their part, conservative legal scholars point to Alito's record in cases such as the Fraternal Order of Police v. City of Newark. In that case, Alito sided with a Muslim police officer who felt his religious freedom was being squelched by a police department requirement that he shave. In a separate decision, Alito backed a decision allowing a student group to advertise beer sales in their newspaper. "Sam Alito came down on the side of the First Amendment," said Pepperdine University law professor Douglas Kmeic, "even though, as a father of a college and a high school student, he would have been perfectly happy having those ads out of the newspaper."

Kmiec said Alito is "not an ideologue" and likened him to retiring Justice Sandra Day O'Connor. Both are "always careful to decide the specific case in front of them," he said.

That, of course, is not the view of Alito's opponents. They are likely to focus first on his long track record of opposing abortion rights, such as a 1991 opinion in which he favored a law requiring women seeking an abortion to notify their spouses. In addition, some of his opponents believe the key to gaining traction in the fight will be to underscore the breadth of Alito's conservatism, including a broad range of his decisions on religious freedom, privacy rights and women's rights issues. "He has an extensive track record of employment decisions to undermine women's rights in the workplace," said Marcia Greenberger, co-president of the National Women's Law Center, which lobbies for women's legal rights on issues including abortion.

She and others have already begun laying out a strategy to thwart Alito's confirmation, in part, via a multi-million-dollar media blitz that will hammer hard on two key points. "The first step is to make sure that the American public knows about Judge Alito's record, said Greenberger. "The second step is to make sure the American public understands that this is for the Sandra Day O'Connor seat."

O'Connor, who has agreed to remain on the court until a new justice has been confirmed, was the swing vote on an often evenly split Supreme Court. Even now, in a pending case involving parental notification of minors seeking abortion, O'Connor's swing vote will likely come before a new nominee is confirmed early next year. So whoever replaces her will have an unusually powerful role in deciding the rule of law.

But if Republicans unite behind this nomination, Democrats have little chance of winning a straight up-or-down vote on the Senate floor, where Republicans hold a 55-to-44 vote majority (with one independent). Both sides are expected to focus their efforts on convincing a smattering of moderate Republicans, who generally favor abortion rights. "These people will likely determine the fate of Alito's nomination," said Michael Gerhardt, a law professor at the University of North Carolina. He expects moderates like Senate Judiciary Committee Chairman Arlen Specter will be "put very much on the hot seat" to vote against Alito's confirmation.

Meanwhile, backed by what is expected to be unflinching support from President Bush's conservative base, the White House has already begun its campaign to portray Alito as a man of "keen intellect, impartiality and temperament" who is "both tough and fair," according to a posting on the White House Web site. Talking points sent to his backers even offer a retort to questions about Alito being a white male. It says questions of race and gender are "irrelevant."

If such a view prevails, Democrats may have no other option than to attempt to block the nomination by staging a filibuster, which requires only 41 votes to prevent an up-or-down confirmation vote. That, in turn, could prompt Republicans to vote for the so-called "nuclear option," doing away with filibusters entirely and prompting a dreaded legislative showdown that could shut down the Senate.

Even before the official announcement of Alito's nomination, Sen. Specter said he was "very worried" about just that scenario playing out over the abortion issue. And by Monday morning, Specter had promised abortion would be "among one of the first items Judge Alito and I will discuss."

Other Republicans are more sanguine about Alito's prospects. "This is a grand slam for conservatives," said Jay Sekulow, chief counsel for the American Center for Law and Justice. "He's going to have opposition, but he will be confirmed without any difficulty."

 
 
 
Supreme Court:
Likely Replacement Candidates

 

Religion

Alito Could Be 5th Catholic on Current Supreme Court

Published: November 1, 2005
WASHINGTON, Oct. 31 - If Samuel A. Alito Jr., President Bush's newest choice to succeed Justice Sandra Day O'Connor, is confirmed, he will become the fifth Roman Catholic on the court.

A Catholic majority on the nine-member court would be a significant historical shift. Until 1988, there had been no more than two Catholic justices at once. And for most of the court's history, there was typically only a single Catholic.

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The Nomination
Todd S. Purdum of The Times analyzes President Bush's choice for the Supreme Court, Samuel A. Alito Jr. Also, video of the announcement.

THE ANNOUNCEMENT
Text:
Bush | Alito

"This would add a whole new meaning to the Catholic rite of confirmation," said Barbara A. Perry, a Supreme Court expert at Sweet Briar College in Virginia. "This would mean that the religion factor no longer matters."

At least not in the same way it once did. Dr. Perry and other experts say that Judge Alito's selection after the withdrawal of Harriet E. Miers, an evangelical Christian, suggests that religious affiliation means less now than does a discernible track record on social issues.

Evangelicals recently lobbied for representation on the Supreme Court in the same way that Catholic and Jewish court watchers once did. (There are now two Jewish justices.) But religious conservatives largely rejected Ms. Miers because they said she had no clearly articulated stance on abortion.

Many of the same conservatives who publicly challenged Ms. Miers's conservative bona fides had accused Democrats of trying to keep judges off the bench because of their religion.

Earlier this year, for example, some conservatives said that any discussion of the religion of Chief Justice John G. Roberts Jr. should be off limits in his confirmation process, and that questions about his views amounted to an unconstitutional "religious test" of his faith as a Roman Catholic.

Advocates on both sides know that historically, justices' private religious beliefs have not necessarily directed the way they vote. Judge Alito passes conservative muster because his record is closer to that of two conservative justices, Antonin Scalia and Clarence Thomas, than to that of the more moderate Anthony M. Kennedy, all three of whom are Catholic.

Justice William J. Brennan Jr., appointed in 1956 by President Eisenhower to fill the traditional "Catholic seat," voted with the majority in the Roe v. Wade decision legalizing abortion and was a strong supporter of abortion rights throughout his life.

Possible Nominees to the Supreme Court

The Washington Post
Friday, July 1, 2005; 11:12 AM

Here is a list of potential nominees for the Supreme Court:

Samuel A. Alito, Jr.

Samuel A. Alito, Jr., 55, is a judge on the U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals for the 3rd Circuit.

 
                                                                                                 
 
 
 
 
 
 

Nominated by President George H. W. Bush to the court in 1990, Alito was educated at Princeton University and Yale Law School. His work experience includes stints as assistant to the Solicitor General and deputy assistant to the Attorney General during the Reagan Administration, and as U.S. Attorney for the District of New Jersey.

Alito has voted to uphold regulations on abortion, notably as the lone dissenter in a 1991 case in which the 3rd Circuit struck down a Pennsylvania law's requirement that women tell their husbands before having an abortion. The three-judge panel preserved most elements of the abortion control law, including a 24-hour waiting period and a requirement that minors notify their parents. But Alito argued in his dissent that the spousal notification provision did not impose an "undue burden" and also should have been upheld.

In other rulings, Alito wrote for the majority in 1997 in finding that Jersey City officials did not violate the Constitution with a holiday display that included a creche, a menorah and secular symbols of the Christmas season. In 1999, he and his colleagues found that a Newark policy that allowed medical, but not religious, exemptions to a ban on police officers having beards violated the First Amendment.

-- Christopher Lee

Janice Rogers Brown

Janice Rogers Brown, 56, was confirmed last month to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit. For nine years before that, she was a California Supreme Court justice.

Janice Rogers Brown
Janice Rogers Brown

Brown was born in Greenville, Ala., and educated at California State University at Sacramento and the University of California at Los Angeles School of Law. She is a self-described conservative who as a young single mother once called herself so leftist as to be almost Maoist. She was legal affairs secretary for California Gov. Pete Wilson (R) before joining the California Court of Appeals in 1994.

 

As a judge, she has written sharp opinions that opposed affirmative action, that supported a state law requiring girls younger than 18 to notify their parents before getting an abortion, and that advocated using stun guns in a courtroom to control an unruly defendant. She has strongly supported property rights and describes herself as someone who looks to the intent of the framers of the Constitution when making decisions. Some have criticized her for writing dissents and opinions that personally attack other justices.

Brown has attracted as much attention for her speeches as for her legal decisions. In recent years, she has described New Deal legal precedents as "the triumph of our socialist revolution," and two months ago, she told a Connecticut group of Catholic legal professionals that "there seems to have been no time since the Civil War that this country was so bitterly divided." She also said that "these are perilous times for people of faith" and that there's a social cost to pay "if you are a person of faith who stands up for what you believe in and say those things out loud."

Brown grew up in the segregated South, where her family refused to enter restaurants or theaters with separate entrances for black customers. Before moving to Washington, she lived in a gated community in the foothills of the Sierra Nevadas.

-- Marc Kaufman

Edith Brown Clement


 

Edith Brown Clement, 57, is a judge on the New Orleans-based U.S. Court of Appeals for the 5th Circuit.

Judge Edith Brown Clement
Judge Edith Brown Clement

Clement was nominated by President George H.W. Bush to serve as a judge on the U.S. District Court for the Eastern District of Louisiana in 1991 and was elevated to her current post by the current President Bush in 2001.

 

Clement, a graduate of the University of Alabama and Tulane University Law School, worked as a lawyer in private practice in New Orleans for 16 years before beginning her tenure on the federal bench. She specialized in civil litigation involving maritime law, representing oil companies, insurance companies and the marine services industry in cases before federal courts. She is a member of the Federalist Society, an influential conservative legal organization.

As a district judge, Clement presided over such high-profile cases as the 2000 trials of former Louisiana governor Edwin W. Edwards (D) and former state insurance commissioner Jim Brown (D) on fraud charges. Edwards was acquitted; Brown was convicted of lying to the FBI and sentenced to six months in prison.

Lawyers who know Clement or have tried cases before her describe her as a judicial conservative who leans toward the defense in civil cases, and as a no-nonsense judge who is strict about deadlines and insists on professionalism from lawyers.

Analysts say Clement has not attracted attention for her judicial opinions, so it is unclear which of her decisions, if any, might become the focus of a confirmation battle.

-- Christopher Lee

John Cornyn

Sen. John Cornyn, 53, is the junior senator from Texas, elected in 2002.

Since his election, Cornyn -- nicknamed "Johnny Boy" by Bush -- has been an outspoken proponent of the president's administration and the conservative branch of the GOP. But prior to arriving in Washington, Cornyn's reputation as Texas Attorney General and as a Texas Supreme Court justice was that of a moderate Republican.

 

His seven-year tenure on the court was characterized by decisions favoring business and limiting government control. But he also wrote the majority decision in 1995 upholding Texas' so-called Robin Hood school finance law in which wealthier school districts share money with poorer ones, a plan that Republicans have been trying to abolish since.

 

During his four years as state attorney general, Cornyn angered some local Republicans for trying, unsuccessfully, to modify a ruling by a previous attorney general that eliminated affirmation action programs at Texas colleges. He sued auto and home insurance firms for underpaying claims and for deceptive trade practices and prosecuted unscrupulous nursing home operators, as well as appeared before the U. S. Supreme Court to defend a small Texas school district that broadcast student-led prayer before football games. The court ruled against the school-sponsored practice.

In the Senate, Cornyn, 53, has led efforts to defend Bush's judicial nominees and to fight filibusters of nominees, writing National Review articles that label opponents as "liberal special interest groups" engaged in "vicious politics." He spearheaded the push to adopt constitutional amendments banning gay marriage and flag-burning and favors school vouchers, prayer in public schools, extending the Bush-initiated tax cuts beyond 2010 and privatizing Social Security. He opposes abortion and partial birth abortions except when a woman's life is endangered.

-- Sylvia Moreno

Emilio M. Garza


Emilio M. Garza, 57, is a judge for U.S. Court of Appeals for the 5th Circuit and has been on the short list for a Supreme Court nomination before.

Justice Department officials interviewed Garza in 1991, when he was among a handful of candidates being considered by President George H. W. Bush to succeed Justice Thurgood Marshall. But Garza then had only three years of experience on the federal bench and his views on many issues were unknown. Bush nominated Clarence Thomas instead.

 

Garza, who will turn 58 in August, would make history as the first Hispanic ever nominated to the high court.

The former Marine captain earned bachelor's and master's degrees from the University of Notre Dame and graduated from the University of Texas School of Law. He practiced law in his native San Antonio for 11 years and served as a state district judge for a year before President Reagan nominated him to the U.S. District Court in 1988. Three years later Bush elevated him to the 5th Circuit.

Since then Garza has developed a reliably conservative judicial record that includes criticism of the Roe V. Wade abortion decision of 1973. In 1997, Garza sided with the majority in upholding a lower court decision that struck down parts of a Louisiana law requiring parents to be notified when a minor child seeks an abortion. In his concurring opinion, however, he expressed doubts about whether Roe v. Wade was well-grounded in the Constitution.

"[I]n the absence of governing constitutional text, I believe that ontological issues such as abortion are more properly decided in the political and legislative arenas," Garza wrote. ". . . . [I]t is unclear to me that the [Supreme] Court itself still believes that abortion is a 'fundamental right' under the Fourteenth Amendment. . . ."

-Christopher Lee

Alberto R. Gonzales

Attorney General Alberto R. Gonzales, 49, has less time on the bench than the other likely Supreme Court candidates but has one crucial advantage: the close friendship of President Bush.

Gonzales grew up as the son of impoverished Mexican immigrants and went on to graduate from Harvard University law school. Bush, then the governor of Texas, hired him as his general counsel and later appointed him to the Texas Supreme Court. Bush brought Gonzales to Washington as his White House counsel in 2001.

The Senate narrowly approved Gonzales as attorney general in February after he faced sharp criticism from Democrats over the role he played in approving controversial detention and antiterrorism policies.

Yet legal experts say that the strongest opposition to Gonzales as a Supreme Court candidate would likely come from the right, due primarily to positions he has taken on issues like abortion and affirmative action.

While on the bench in Texas, Gonzales sided with a majority in a 2000 case allowing an unidentified 17-year-old girl to obtain an abortion without notifying her parents, finding that she qualified for an exception to that state's parental notification law. In a concurring opinion, Gonzales said that to side with dissenters in the case would amount to "an unconscionable act of judicial activism."

Gonzales also testified at his attorney general confirmation hearing earlier this year that he recognized the Roe v. Wade decision legalizing abortion as "the law of the land."

Advisors close to the White House have said that Bush likes the idea that Gonzales would be the first Hispanic justice. (Benjamin Nathan Cardozo, a justice in the 1930s, was of Portuguese and Jewish descent.)

-- Dan Eggen

Edith Hollan Jones


Edith Hollan Jones, 56, has been a judge on the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 5th Circuit in New Orleans since 1985, having been nominated by President Ronald Reagan.

Jones was born in Philadelphia. She graduated from Cornell University in 1971 and from the University of Texas Law School in 1974. She was in private practice in Houston for 11 years and specialized in bankruptcy law.

Known as a strong and outspoken conservative, she has written opinions that called into question the reasoning behind the Roe v. Wade abortion ruling, has been an advocate for speeding up death penalty executions, and is a vocal proponent of "moral values." She also wrote a 1997 opinion throwing out a federal ban on the possession of machine guns and has been an advocate for toughening bankruptcy laws.

In a recent interview with the American Enterprise Institute, she bemoaned the Senate treatment of several controversial appeals court nominees. "Nominees are accused very unfairly of things that they didn't do," she said. "For someone like Judge [Charles W.] Pickering to be called a racist is a vile lie. For someone like Judge [William] Pryor to be attacked on the basis that he is a Catholic and therefore cannot judge cases fairly strikes at the heart of the notion of religious tolerance in our society. And the character assassination of Priscilla Owen reached unconscionable bounds."

-- Marc Kaufman

J. Michael Luttig

J. Michael Luttig, 51, has been a favorite in conservative legal circles for decades, going back to his clerkship for then-Judge Antonin Scalia on the U.S. Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit in 1982-83.

 

A graduate of Washington and Lee University and the University of Virginia law school, Luttig also clerked for Chief Justice Warren E. Burger in 1983-84, practiced law in the private sector from 1985-1989, and then served in a variety of Justice Department positions during the first Bush administration, where his duties included helping current Justices Clarence Thomas and David H. Souter win Senate confirmation.

President George H.W. Bush appointed him to the Richmond-based U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit in 1991, when Luttig was just 37 years old. Ever since, he has been spoken of as a likely choice for the Supreme Court should a Republican president have a chance to name him. His many supporters on the right, including ex-law clerks sprinkled throughout the Bush administration, think now is Luttig's time.

This has sometimes led him to clash with other members of the 4th Circuit, including fellow conservative J. Harvie Wilkinson, also thought of as a Supreme Court contender. In 2000, he dissented from a ruling by Wilkinson that upheld a Fish and Wildlife Service regulation limiting the killing of endangered wolves on private land. He also disagreed with Wilkinson in 2003, when he wrote a dissenting opinion that supported the Bush administration's position that it could designate and detain "enemy combatants" with little judicial scrutiny.

In 1998, he upheld Virginia's ban on the procedure known as a partial birth abortion -- but agreed to let it be struck down after the Supreme Court struck down a similar Nebraska law in 2000.

-- Charles Lane

Michael W. McConnell


 

Michael W. McConnell, 50, has been a judge on the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 10th Circuit, based in Denver, since his appointment by President Bush in 2002.

 

Before then, he was mostly a legal academic, having served as a law professor at the University of Chicago from 1985-1996 and subsequently at the University of Utah.

 

McConnell's good standing with the legal professoriate helped him immeasurably during the confirmation process; more than 300 of his fellow professors, including many liberals, endorsed him for the bench.

An eclectic thinker who served both as a law clerk for the liberal icon Justice William Brennan and as an official in the Reagan administration, McConnell has expressed his opinions on a wide range of subjects, including a Wall Street Journal op-ed in December 2000 in which he expressed doubts about the legal reasoning of the Supreme Court's Bush v. Gore decision.

But his outspoken disagreement with Roe v. Wade has earned him the condemnation of liberal advocacy groups (though at his confirmation hearing he called it "settled law.") Conservatives like his writings favoring government "neutrality" toward religion.

As a judge, McConnell has upheld Congress's power to criminalize the possession of homemade child pornography; in a case soon to be reviewed by the court, he voted to prohibit enforcement of federal anti-drug laws against people who consume hallucinogenic tea as part of a religious ritual.

-- Charles Lane

John G. Roberts

Theodore B. Olson

Theodore B. Olson, 64, is the former Solicitor General and now an attorney in private practice in Washington at the firm Gibson, Dunn & Crutcher.

He has been with the firm since 1965 except for two forays into government, serving as President Bush's Solicitor General from 2001-2004 and as Assistant Attorney General for the Office of Legal Counsel for three years during President Ronald Reagan's first term.

He argued Bush's case before the Supreme Court that decided the outcome of the disputed 2000 presidential election.

 

His other cases have included representing Cheryl Hopwood, who argued that affirmative action in admissions at the University of Texas was a violation of the Constitution. In 1996, a federal appeals court agreed with Olson and Hopwood that the university's policy was unconstitutional. That same year, he represented the Virginia Military Institute before the Supreme Court against claims that the school's admissions policy discriminated against women and lost.

 

Olson was legal counsel to Reagan during the investigation of the Iran-contra affair. And he represented Jonathan Pollard, who was convicted of selling government secrets to Israel, in his failed bid for a reduction of his life sentence.

While President Bill Clinton was in office, Olson railed against the administration in the conservative American Spectator magazine, where he was a contributing writer and a member of its board of directors.

But his passion threatened his confirmation as solicitor general. During hearings, Democrats asked Olson if he played a role in the "Arkansas Project," an attempt by American Spectator to uncover scandals involving President Bill Clinton and his wife, Hillary. Olson said he did not, but a Spectator staff writer, David Brock, told the Judiciary Committee that Olson was directly involved. Olson was confirmed, but not until after an inquiry into charges that his testimony was untruthful.

--Darryl Fears

Larry D. Thompson
Larry D. Thompson, 59, is a senior vice president and general counsel for PepsiCo.

He was the deputy Attorney General--the No. 2 person at the Justice Department--for much of President Bush's first term.

 

During his tenure at Justice, he had daily involvement in the war on terror and headed the corporate crime task force that pursued prosecutions against Enron Corp., Worldcom Inc. and HealthSouth Corp.

 

He was one of the highest-ranking African Americans in the Bush administration and if appointed to the court, would be the third African American justice.

Thompson is a longtime acquaintance of Justice Thomas and was a member of the legal team that assisted Thomas during his confirmation hearings in 1991.

Around the same time, Thompson angered some civil rights groups when he wrote that certain black leaders "stressed . . . black people as victims" and ignored problems like their "lack of respect for the law, kids having children too soon and fathers who were not taking their responsibility seriously."

He is a graduate of the University of Michigan Law School, served as a U.S. Attorney in Georgia and practiced at the Atlanta firm of King & Spalding.

--Darryl Fears

J. Harvie Wilkinson

J. Harvie Wilkinson, 61, was appointed to the 4th Circuit by President Reagan in 1984.

Before his appointment he was the No. 2 official in the Justice Department's Civil Rights Office from 1982-1983.

Unlike most other leading candidates for the court, Wilkinson has not practiced law in the private sector; he has more experience in journalism and teaching.

Judge J. Harvie Wilkinson
Judge J. Harvie Wilkinson

From 1978-1982, he was the editorial page editor of the Virginian-Pilot in Norfolk, Virginia, and from 1973-1978, he was a professor at the University of Virginia School of Law, where he received his own law degree before moving on to a clerkship for Justice Lewis F. Powell.

His paper trail is, accordingly, immense. He has written not only legal opinions, but also books, speeches and journal articles in which he sketches a self-consciously moderate conservative philosophy. A typical example was a 2003 Virginia Law Review article titled "Why Conservative Jurisprudence is Compassionate."

Powell, an old family friend, is a role model and mentor for Wilkinson, whose own gentle, courtly manners remind some of the late justice's demeanor.His rulings have included a 1987 opinion striking down a minority set-aside program for city contractors in Richmond and a 1996 opinion upholding the military's "don't ask, don't tell" policy for homosexual service members.

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John Roberts
Born January 27, 1955
Buffalo, New York

John Glover Roberts, Jr. (born January 27, 1955) is the seventeenth Chief Justice of the United States. Roberts previously was a judge on the United States Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit, spent 14 years in private law practice and held positions in Republican administrations in the U.S. Department of Justice and Office of the White House Counsel.

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Personal life, education, and memberships

Roberts was born in Buffalo, New York, on January 27, 1955, son of John G. Roberts and Rosemary Podrasky. His father was an executive with Bethlehem Steel. When Roberts was in second grade, his family moved to the affluent beachside town of Long Beach, Indiana. He grew up in a devoutly Roman Catholic, upper middle-class home along with three sisters: Kathy, Peggy and Barb.

Roberts graduated first in his high school class of 1973 from La Lumiere School, a Catholic boarding school in LaPorte, Indiana. He studied six years of Latin and some French, and was known for his devotion to his studies. He was also captain of his football team, where he referred to himself as a "slow-footed linebacker." He also wrestled, participated in choir and drama, co-edited the school newspaper, and served on the athletic council and the Executive Committee of the Student Council.

Following high school, Roberts entered Harvard University as a sophomore. Roberts spent his summers working in a steel mill to help pay for college. While a student at Harvard, he won the William Scott Ferguson award for his essay, Marxism and Bolshevism: Theory and Practice. He received his bachelor's degree summa cum laude in 1976. Roberts then attended Harvard Law School, where he served as managing editor of the Harvard Law Review and graduated magna cum laude in 1979.

Roberts is currently a member of the American Academy of Appellate Lawyers, the American Law Institute, the Edward Coke Appellate American Inn of Court and the National Legal Center for the Public Interest.[1] He serves on the Federal Appellate Rules Advisory Committee. Roberts's name is listed in the Federalist Society's 1997-1998 "Leadership Directory," though he has denied ever being a member.

Roberts is married to Jane (Sullivan) Roberts, a lawyer and former legal counsel for Feminists for Life. They live in the Washington, DC suburb of Bethesda, Maryland where they are members of a Roman Catholic parish led by noted conservative Msgr. Peter Vaghi. The Robertses adopted two infants in 2000: Josephine ("Josie") and Jack Roberts. Jack's dancing during Bush's White House introduction of his father brought the four-year-old international media attention. Josie and Jack attend a private Catholic school run by Opus Dei.

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Private Practice

After graduating from law school, Roberts served as a law clerk for Judge Henry Friendly on the Second Circuit Court of Appeals for one year. From 1980 to 1981, he served as a law clerk to then-Associate Justice William Rehnquist on the United States Supreme Court. From 1981 to 1982, he served in the Reagan administration as a Special Assistant to U.S. Attorney General William French Smith. From 1982 to 1986, Roberts served as Associate Counsel to the President under White House Counsel Fred Fielding .

Roberts entered private law practice in 1986 as an associate at the Washington, D.C.-based law firm of Hogan & Hartson, but left to serve in the first Bush administration as Principal Deputy Solicitor General, from 1989 to 1993. Roberts has argued 39 cases for the government before the Supreme Court, prevailing in 25 of them. He represented 18 states in United States v. Microsoft. In 1992, George H.W. Bush nominated Roberts to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit, but no Senate vote was held, and Roberts's nomination expired when Bush left office after losing the 1992 presidential election. Roberts returned to Hogan & Hartson as a partner, and became the head of the firm's appellate practice. In this capacity, Roberts argued several cases before the Supreme Court:

Case Argued Decided Represented
First Options v. Kaplan [2], 514 U.S. 938 March 22, 1995 May 22, 1995 Respondent
Adams v. Robertson, 520 U.S. 83 January 14, 1997 March 3, 1997 Respondent
Alaska v. Native Village of Venetie Tribal Government [3], 522 U.S. 520 December 10, 1997 February 25, 1998 Petitioner
Feltner v. Columbia Pictures Television, Inc. [4], 534 U.S. 1127 January 21, 1998 March 31, 1998 Petitioner
NCAA v. Smith [5], 525 U.S. 459 January 20, 1999 February 23, 1999 Petitioner
Rice v. Cayetano [6], 528 U.S. 495 October 6, 1999 February 23, 2000 Respondent
Eastern Associated Coal Corp. v. Mine Workers [7], 531 U.S. 57 October 2, 2000 November 28, 2000 Petitioner
TrafFix Devices, Inc. v. Marketing Displays, Inc. [8], 532 U.S. 23 November 29, 2000 March 20, 2001 Petitioner
Toyota Motor Mfg v. Williams [9]<